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MODERATOR: (Via interpreter) Good afternoon. Let us commence the joint press availability of the ROK-U.S. foreign ministers’ meeting by starting with opening statements. Minister Cho Tae-yul will address us first, followed by Secretary Blinken. After their initial statements, we will proceed to a Q&A session. Now, I invite Minister Cho to begin.
FOREIGN MINISTER CHO: (Via interpreter) Good afternoon. I am Cho Tae-yul, the foreign minister of Korea. I would like to express my heartfelt condolences to the victims and their families affected by the tragedy in New Orleans. Korea will consistently stand by the citizens of the United States. I also wish to convey my deepest sympathies regarding the loss of former President Carter, who was a venerated elder statesman committed to democracy, human rights, and global peace – a true role model for all.
I warmly welcome Secretary Blinken back to Korea once again. This visit marks his third under the current Government of Korea and our 14th interaction, including official meetings and telephone conversations. When considering our brief meetings on multilateral platforms, the total would be even greater. The significance of Secretary Blinken’s visit and the ROK-U.S. foreign ministers’ meeting is unparalleled at this moment.
To begin with, we have reinstated complete trust in the ROK-U.S. alliance and revitalized a values-based partnership. Today, we reaffirmed that there exists no divergence within the ROK-U.S. alliance. With Choi Sang-mok serving as acting president, we will maintain stable governance and a strong ROK-U.S. alliance, ensuring that our foreign policy goals remain consistent. I emphasized this point clearly. Secretary Blinken expressed staunch support for Korea’s democracy and the alliance, alongside his confidence in the interim government, reaffirming his dedication to collaborating closely with the ROK Government to fortify our alliance further.
Secondly, the unwavering defense commitment of the United States toward the ROK and the strategic importance of Korea-U.S.-Japan collaboration were underscored. Secretary Blinken’s selection of Korea and Japan as his first and final stops as Secretary of State highlights the U.S.’s steadfast commitment to the ROK-U.S.-Japan partnership. Together with Japan, Korea and the U.S. have ushered in a fresh era of trilateral cooperation. We reflected on the results of the Camp David Summit, and based upon its spirit and principles, high-level discussions have been institutionalized, leading to the establishment of sector-specific consultation groups in areas including security, economic stability, advanced technology, and developmental cooperation, with their progress being reviewed.
Furthermore, the trilateral secretariat that was established toward the end of last year will play a pivotal role in our joint efforts aimed at enhancing trilateral cooperation. We had an extensive discussion regarding the DPRK, its nuclear ambitions, and illicit military collaboration with Russia. Efforts to enforce UNSC sanctions against North Korea and to uncover its sanctions-evasion tactics to foster its denuclearization are more critical than ever. We reached a consensus on this matter and committed to continue working together. We condemned today’s ballistic missile launch by the DPRK, and through a serious united defense posture and reinforced extended deterrence, we pledged to be thoroughly prepared for any prospective provocations from North Korea.
Thirdly, we reviewed the accomplishments of ROK-U.S. collaboration and reaffirmed our commitment to follow-up actions. Through the Washington Declaration and the formation of the NCG, Korea and the U.S. have significantly bolstered extended deterrence cooperation; we reconvened the ROK-U.S. 2+2 foreign and defense ministers’ meeting, agreed upon regularizing it, and declared our consensus to expand the ROK-U.S. Mutual Defense Treaty to encompass space – including outer space.
The collaboration between our nations has been instrumental in achieving these milestones, which are crucial components of the extensive strategic global alliance and serve as a testament to the ROK-U.S. partnership now elevated to its highest echelon. We concurred on the necessity to maintain these accomplishments and to build upon them for even greater achievements in the future, committing to achieving
cooperation towards this goal.
The ROK-U.S. partnership is fortified when our two nations unite as they do presently. A robust alliance will provide coming generations with enhanced opportunities and prosperity, while also contributing to the peace, stability, and advancement of the Korean Peninsula and the Indo-Pacific region. As it has for the past 71 years, our camaraderie will persist. Thank you.
MODERATOR: (Via interpreter) Thank you. Now, I would like to invite Secretary Blinken to provide the opening statement.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you very much. I would like to start by expressing my gratitude to Foreign Minister Cho and acting President Choi for receiving me back in Seoul and for their collaboration and guidance during a tumultuous period for Korea. I also sincerely value the opportunity to meet with Speaker Wu and members of the National Assembly later this afternoon.
Let me begin by expressing how deeply I value the friendship and collaboration I share with the foreign minister, with Tae-yul, a man of profound democratic integrity who I hold in great esteem. On behalf of the American populace, I want to express our heartfelt sorrow regarding the plane crash in Muan. Our thoughts are with the families of the victims, the survivors, and all those affected by this disaster. We have a team from the National Transportation Safety Board, the Federal Aviation Administration, and Boeing present in Korea to assist with the investigation into this incident. I want to reaffirm that the United States is here to offer any support we can.
As the foreign minister pointed out, this marks my fourth trip to Korea and my 21st visit to the region, the Indo-Pacific, as Secretary of State. In many respects, this visit brings my tenure as Secretary full circle. Secretary Austin and I visited Seoul and then Tokyo on the inaugural overseas trip of any member from President Biden’s Cabinet. We made the choice to come to Korea because for seven decades, the U.S.-ROK alliance has been the cornerstone of peace, security, and prosperity in Northeast Asia, the Indo-Pacific, and increasingly across the globe.
On the first day, President Biden informed me that my primary responsibility was to revitalize and reimagine our alliances and partnerships to effectively address the challenges of our time and better serve our citizens. Over the last four years, that is precisely what we have achieved. Today, the alliance between the United States and Korea is more crucial than ever in shaping our common future, and I believe it is also stronger than ever in undertaking this mission.
As you heard from the minister, we have bolstered our extended deterrence – the United States’ commitment to safeguard our allies using the full spectrum of our conventional and nuclear capabilities – along with enhancing our capacity to coordinate and respond to DPRK provocations, including through the Nuclear Consultative Group. Today, we condemn the DPRK’s missile launch, yet another breach of numerous UN Security Council resolutions. Together with Japan and the ROK, we have initiated a new phase of trilateral collaboration aimed at fostering a shared vision of an Indo-Pacific that is free, open, prosperous, secure, resilient, and increasingly interconnected.
I have had the honor of nurturing these relationships since my tenure as deputy secretary under President Obama and now, as Secretary with the leadership of President Biden. Following the momentous summit convened by President Biden at Camp David, the U.S., the Republic of Korea, and Japan are currently executing over three dozen initiatives across security, economic relations, innovation, and fostering people-to-people connections. For instance, we are engaging in a regular joint military exercise program; sharing real-time intelligence regarding North Korean ballistic missile launches; enhancing the interoperability of our armed forces; and striving to share early warning alerts on supply chain disruptions to bolster our economies’ security and resilience. Universities in the United States, Korea, and Japan are increasingly partnering with industries to train thousands of students in quantum computing, yielding a competitive advantage in the innovations that will define the future.
We have initiated a program aimed at empowering our next generation of trilateral leaders to tackle these collective challenges. This expanded trilateral cooperation acts as a force multiplier for good. A more unified alliance for peace and stability, extending from the Korean Peninsula to the Taiwan Strait; a catalyst for economic and technological advancement; and a means to bring our populations, especially the youth, closer than ever before. I believe it is in the strategic interest of each of our nations to not only sustain this trilateral collaboration but to enhance it in the upcoming years, particularly in an era where security in the Indo-Pacific and Europe is increasingly interlinked.
In the last week of December, over 1,000 North Korean personnel were either killed or injured in Kursk, victims of Russia’s efforts to forcibly alter the borders of a sovereign nation – Ukraine – demonstrating the escalating threat posed by the intensified collaboration between revisionist authoritarian regimes in Moscow and Pyongyang. This is a reciprocal relationship. The DPRK is already acquiring Russian military gear and training. We have reasons to suspect that Moscow aims to share advanced space and satellite technology with Pyongyang, and that Putin may be nearing a reversal of a long-standing Russian policy by endorsing the DPRK’s nuclear weapons agenda.
The Republic of Korea has stepped forward to assist Ukraine in its defense against Russian aggression, providing vital humanitarian aid to countless individuals displaced by the conflict. The United States anticipates that Korea, alongside Japan, Australia, and New Zealand, will continue to deepen collaboration with NATO, enabling Atlantic and Pacific nations to unite in upholding international regulations and principles, as that is fundamentally what is at stake in Ukraine.
This has constituted aggression, indeed, against the Ukrainian populace and Ukraine itself, but also an assault on the very principles that underlie the international framework and were agreed upon by nations worldwide as the optimal means to uphold peace, stability, and security. These principles are enshrined in the UN Charter – territorial integrity, sovereignty, and independence. These are the principles that Russia has attacked; these are the principles in which we stand united in defense.
Collectively, we have also fostered a shared economic strategy, whether it involves the ROK hosting APEC this year, chairing the Mineral Security Partnership to strengthen supply chain resilience, or investing in developmental projects from the Mekong to the Pacific Islands. The United States is currently Korea’s second largest investor and its major market for goods exports. This is primarily attributed to the groundbreaking Inflation Reduction Act and the CHIPS and Science Act, which have made the Republic of Korea a prominent investor in the United States, committing over $140 billion since 2021, ranging from semiconductor manufacturing facilities in Michigan to
solar installations in Georgia. Our nations are joining forces, cooperating, to create advanced technologies in renewable energy, in life sciences, in space exploration.
Now, we gather as both our nations are undergoing phases of transformation, and this is what we understand. Our connection transcends any singular leader, any one administration, or any political party. The security threats we encounter, the economic prospects we possess – all these mutual challenges and prospects will persist in uniting us further. Moreover, this partnership is underpinned not solely by economic or security goals, but by our common democratic principles.
Throughout these last forty years, Korea has crafted one of the most compelling, one of the most uplifting democratic narratives globally. Korea’s democratic framework has been put to the test in recent weeks, much like the democracy of Americans has encountered hurdles throughout our existence. Yet, you are responding by showcasing your democratic tenacity. The United States has immense faith in South Korea’s institutions, and we reiterate our steadfast support for the Korean populace as they strive diligently to uphold these institutions. We have confidence that the Republic of Korea, being a foremost global democracy, will advance fully in alignment with its constitution and the rule of law.
More than 70 years after our alliance was established through sacrifice, there is a reason why there exists robust and widespread advocacy for this alliance that continues to thrive in both our nations. This partnership enhances the safety of our citizens; it fosters greater prosperity; it promotes innovation among them. It champions the values we hold collectively. In essence, this alliance not only serves our citizens but is deeply rooted in them.
Earlier this week, we welcomed members of our newly formed Congress. This cohort featured a Republican congresswoman born in Incheon, a Democratic congresswoman – the child of a Korean mother and an African American service member – who, upon her election, donned a traditional Korean hanbok while taking the oath of office – and the first Korean American to hold a seat in the United States Senate. These Korean American leaders embody the commitment our peoples share towards realizing the promises of our democracies. They are a representation of the ties that bond our nations.
Ultimately, it is because of individuals like these in both our nations that I remain thoroughly, resolutely optimistic that the United States and South Korea will continue to forge a shared future of our own design. Katchi kapshida. Thank you.
MODERATOR: (Via interpreter) Thank you. We will now open the floor for inquiries. To be efficient with our time, we will take questions from two journalists each from both sides. First, we will take a question from the Korean press. From Korea Daily, Moon Jae-yeon. Please proceed.
QUESTION: (Via interpreter) Good afternoon. My name is Moon Jae-yeon, and I hail from Hankook, a daily publication. I wish to thank both of you for your committed efforts to safeguarding Korea’s democracy. I have inquiries for both of you. Mr. Minister Cho, first – while you assert that trust in Korean democracy has been reinstated, disturbances continue due to the enforcement of martial law; what are your strategies to regain complete confidence? Additionally, what do you perceive as the underlying causes of this issue?
(In English) Mr. Secretary, I appreciate your gracious hospitality today. I have two questions for you. Firstly, does the U.S. Government still harbor serious concerns regarding the political climate in South Korea? Secondly, President Biden has depicted the global landscape as a confrontation between democratic governance and autocracy; however, with all due respect, the United States’ closest allies, including South Korea, emphasize these same values. What is your perspective on why the Biden administration’s leadership has not been sufficiently impactful in persuading allied nations to uphold democracy in practice?
FOREIGN MINISTER CHO: (Via interpreter) Allow me to address the inquiries. To begin with, martial law was enacted, and we have been taking steps to manage the situation, yet it has both highlighted the democratic resilience of our nation and exposed our susceptibilities as well. Therefore, it carries a dual aspect. If you focus solely on the weaknesses with a magnifying glass, you might feel uncertainty regarding Korea’s future. However, I believe that the global community concentrates on our resilience, which I think is the appropriate way to evaluate the country’s future.
Thus, the robust democratic resilience within our society, combined with our citizens’ mature civic mindset, represent significant assets that I can utilize to rapidly stabilize our international relations and restore the global community’s faith. Liberal democracy and a market economy are the foundational principles of our constitution and priceless assets forged over the last 70 years. Therefore, I assert that there must be no hesitation in pursuing these objectives and vision, which I believe forms the cornerstone of our diplomacy, and we will cooperate with our value-oriented ally, the United States, to successfully achieve this.
Such efforts, as referenced by Secretary Blinken, will persist regardless of any changes in leadership in the U.S. or Korea. We will continue to collaborate with the Trump administration, rooted in our values-based alliance for all policies and actions we undertake moving forward, and we will maintain close coordination.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: We have expressed significant concerns about certain decisions made by President Yoon. We have communicated those directly to the government. Simultaneously, we harbor immense confidence in the resilience of South Korea’s democracy, in the robustness of its institutions, and in its endeavors to maneuver through those institutions in accordance with the constitution and the rule of law, to amicably resolve disputes.
This actually addresses the crux of your second question. What distinguishes democracies from other systems is the approach we take in facing challenges, including those from within. What marks democracies like the United States and the Republic of Korea is the fact that when differences arise, when challenges confront our systems, we do not evade their existence. We do not ignore them or disregard them. We confront these issues and address them candidly and transparently. Sometimes this process is uncomfortable or painful, yet it fundamentally enhances the strength of our systems.
As our nations tackle various challenges in distinct manners, when we do so following the constitution, adhering to the rule of law, and resolving issues peacefully, that indeed exemplifies the strength of our systems and the strength that the Republic of Korea is affirming today.
MODERATOR: (Via interpreter) Thank you. We are now prepared to accept a question from the U.S. press. From New York Times, Edward Wong. Please proceed.
QUESTION: Thank you,both of you. Mr. Secretary, it’s fitting that you just mentioned the significance of democracy on the fourth anniversary of the turmoil of January 6th in the U.S. I’m curious – you and Mr. Biden both praised President Yoon as a defender of democracy, and you permitted him to host the third Summit for Democracy here in Korea. Why were you and President Biden both caught off guard by his anti-democratic power grab? And do you regret placing your prior trust in Mr. Yoon?
In addition, a related query – yesterday I observed as Mr. Yoon’s followers gathered in the streets near our hotel, holding “stop the steal” placards in English, waving American flags, and chanting “stop the steal,” clearly appealing to President-elect Trump for assistance, given Trump’s own efforts before and during January 6th to maintain his position. I would appreciate your candid evaluation of how the swift decline of democratic norms in America has affected South Korea and other nations.
And for Mr. Cho, when Mr. Yoon, your president, initiated martial law based on claims of subversive activities within your own nation, he seemed to be employing tactics akin to those used by autocrats in North Korea, Russia, and China to retain power. Why has your head of state taken a political path parallel to that of your national adversaries, and how are you addressing the tensions this has caused with the United States? Thank you.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: So Ed, I don’t want to echo the response I just provided, but it’s essentially the same. All of our nations face obstacles, and yet, the defining feature of any democracy lies in our reaction to those obstacles. And what I mentioned earlier and what I would reaffirm is that the response here in Korea to this most recent challenge, a response that is progressing, once more, in line with the constitution, adhering to the rule of law, and in a peaceful manner is what we’ve encountered and what we fully anticipate.
Korea has been an exceptional ally for the United States over many years, particularly in these last four years, and we’ve observed that in the collaboration we’re undertaking not only bilaterally but also in addressing regional challenges, and increasingly on a global scale. And it’s not merely about security – it encompasses economic cooperation, innovation, and people-to-people interactions. We’ve witnessed Korea asserting itself as a global player, and I believe this is among the most favorable developments we’ve seen in recent times. Korea’s reputation is remarkably robust – showcasing its democratic journey and success, the resilience of its economy, and the innovative capabilities of its citizens.
When a nation, whether it’s ours or Korea, encounters a challenge, the true measure is in how we respond. And once more, as I stated, the response that we’re observing and expect to continue witnessing is one that is peaceful and entirely consistent with the constitution and the rule of law. Once again, I risk being repetitive, but what we’ve observed in our own country, as well as in other democracies facing challenges, has been a reaction that is open, transparent, and does not ignore our problems or obstacles; instead, we confront them head-on. Time and time again, our countries have emerged stronger from these challenges.
Now, it is crucial – imperative – that as we tackle challenges, we do so in alignment with the rule of law, the constitution, and our democratic values. If and as we do that, I believe it will only fortify the strength of our democracies.
FOREIGN MINISTER CHO: (Via interpreter) Was there a question directed at me as well?
QUESTION: Yes, I can reiterate it. I mentioned earlier that your president, Mr. Yoon, when he declared martial law based on allegations of subversive elements in South Korea, he was adopting tactics similar to those used by autocrats in North Korea, Russia, and China to maintain their power. Why has your head of government pursued this political trajectory, and how do you manage the tensions this has generated with the United States?
FOREIGN MINISTER CHO: (Via interpreter) I assumed the question was aimed at Secretary Blinken. In Korea, an incident occurred a month ago, and to comprehend the situation, you need to look beyond the general context and consider the specific culture, political traditions, and historical ups and downs. You must grasp the comprehensive picture of Korea as a nation rather than attempting to view it solely through the lens of democratic theory. Without this understanding, it’s challenging to ascertain the correct response to the overall situation.
Korea successfully attained democracy and economic advancement in a remarkably brief period; however, as I previously pointed out, there were certain vulnerabilities that we failed to recognize along the way. We currently find ourselves at this juncture without having grasped those vulnerabilities. These hidden flaws and weaknesses came to light as a result of a significant incident, leading us to a situation we never anticipated.
This is not something that can be swiftly resolved. It requires our politicians and the political landscape to collaborate diligently in order to overcome it. We must bridge divides to foster healing and facilitate national unity. To achieve this, we need to engage the nation’s intellectuals in order to mend such deep divisions.
Regarding ROK-U.S. relations, I cannot comment on the extent of the damage caused, but in the past month, I have been in discussions with Secretary Blinken and numerous members of the U.S. administration and political sphere. I was able to ascertain that the U.S. maintains full trust and confidence in Korea as a nation. This is something I could personally verify, and I am assured that based on this robust confidence and alliance, our bilateral relations will continue to progress. I hold no uncertainties about that.
MODERATOR: (Via interpreter) Thank you very much. We will now return to taking questions from the Korean media. From The Korea Herald, Ji Dagyum. Please, proceed with your question.
QUESTION: Thank you. Secretary Blinken, I’d like to take this chance during your final visit to Seoul to pose two questions regarding North Korea policy and trilateral cooperation. North Korea launched a ballistic missile earlier today in what seems to be a symbolic act coinciding with your last trip to Seoul and Tokyo. Some critics argue that there has been insufficient proactive engagement and limited visible advancements in mitigating North Korea provocations and fostering dialogue with North Korea. How would you evaluate the Biden administration’s overall policy stance toward North Korea, and what do you perceive as the administration’s principal achievements and shortcomings in dealing with North Korean matters?
And lastly,
what insights gained would you suggest to the Trump administration to more effectively tackle North Korean challenges and promote stability in the area?
Furthermore, the Camp David Summit has represented a significant accomplishment in enhancing trilateral collaboration among the U.S., South Korea, and Japan. However, as the Trump administration prepares to assume office next January and with political uncertainties developing in South Korea, worries have arisen regarding the strength and longevity of this trilateral alliance. Given this situation, what particular actions or structural measures would you advocate for the Trump administration to prioritize in order to ensure that this trilateral cooperation remains strong and adaptive?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you very much. In relation to the DPRK, initially, as I indicated previously, we denounce yet another breach of several Security Council resolutions with the reported missile launch. Over the last four years, our focus has been on two main objectives. Firstly, we have aimed to engage the DPRK through numerous initiatives to sit down and converse without any preconditions. We have communicated this on various occasions. We pursued this approach both privately and publicly. Yet, the response we have received has predominantly been increasingly provocative actions, including missile launches.
Thus, our efforts to engage and find a diplomatic pathway forward have not been lacking, but simultaneously we have not remained inactive. On the contrary, we have significantly bolstered our joint defense and deterrent strategy. This has been achieved bilaterally, including through the efforts of the Nuclear Consultative Group, which I anticipate will meet again in the coming days. We have reinforced, in very tangible ways, the alliance between the United States and the Republic of Korea, and we have also done so trilaterally with Japan.
The essence of Camp David is now realizing in more than three dozen pragmatic initiatives, especially in security, but also in economic and people-to-people connections. This is bringing our nations closer together, showcasing tangible outcomes for our citizens, and enhancing our defense and deterrent capabilities concerning the DPRK. Consequently, I fully expect this collaboration to persist. It is evidently in the interests of the populations in all three nations.
Recently, we have observed the establishment of a permanent secretariat to oversee the trilateral process. I have received positive remarks across the political spectrum in the Republic of Korea supporting this endeavor. Following this, I will travel to Tokyo, where I fully expect to hear a reaffirmation of commitment to this trilateral initiative. Moreover, today’s launch serves as a reminder of the significance of our collaborative efforts, including real-time information exchange and the trilateral exercises we are engaged in. All of these aspects contribute to an effective response to provocations from North Korea.
Thus, I am confident that, due to the mutual interests shared by all of us, this momentum will continue and future administrations – whether here, in the United States, or in Japan – will carry forward the work we have accomplished together.
MODERATOR: (Via interpreter) Finally, I will provide an opportunity to a U.S. journalist. From the AFP, Shaun Tandon. Please proceed.
QUESTION: Hello. Mr. Secretary, Mr. Foreign Minister, I appreciate your participation in this discussion. May I follow up on the inquiries regarding North Korea made by my Korean colleague? My apologies – let me try that again with the microphone. If I may continue with my Korean colleague’s questions on North Korea, Mr. Secretary, you just mentioned observing signs that Russia is enhancing satellite and space collaboration. Could you provide more details on that? What is the expected timeline? What kind of risks do you anticipate?
And for both of you, regarding South Korea, what role could it increasingly assume in Ukraine? Are there still discussions of supplying arms to assist Kyiv? Additionally, do you have further insights right now concerning North Korea’s potential involvement in Ukraine? Concerning Ukraine, reports indicate that the Ukrainians have launched an expanded counteroffensive today in Kursk. Do you have any information on that and your assessment of where that might lead?
Mr. Secretary, if you wouldn’t mind, may I pose a question related to another part of the world – the Middle East? Reports have surfaced indicating that Hamas has formalized a list of initial hostages to be freed. With Brett McGurk in the region, do you believe we are closer to finalizing a ceasefire agreement? Thank you.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you, Shaun, and I appreciate your impressive attempt to connect multiple questions and diverse regions in one inquiry. Thank you.
QUESTION: I’m striving to integrate the themes together.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you for that. Regarding this reciprocal relationship that I mentioned between Russia and the DPRK, we are witnessing not only North Korea supplying artillery, ammunition, and personnel to Russia amidst its aggression against Ukraine, but we are also observing support flowing in the opposite direction. Russia is already supplying military hardware to the DPRK, along with training. We believe it is poised to share satellite and space technology with the DPRK, and this concern is a vital focus for both the United States and the Republic of Korea alongside Japan – and is a substantial part of our discussions.
This highlights, as I have noted previously, an increasing global phenomenon, which is the interconnectedness of security, bridging the Atlantic and Pacific regions. This is evidenced by the current fact that the primary ongoing factors enabling Russia to maintain its aggression against Ukraine originate partly from the DPRK – via artillery, ammunition, and troops – and China with its support or that of its businesses to Russia’s defense sector. I think this realization has been a significant awakening for allies and partners in Europe, and also clarifies their heightened attention on the Indo-Pacific, as it similarly encourages many partners within this region.
In terms of Ukraine and the situation in Kursk, our daily efforts are centered on ensuring that Ukraine possesses what it needs to effectively protect itself against the persistent Russian aggression, and also on guaranteeing that – should negotiations or discussions of a ceasefire arise in the upcoming year – Ukraine is in the strongest possible position to engage in them. The Ukrainians themselves are also working to secure that strong position. Their activities in Kursk are significant, as they will certainly play a role in any potential negotiations that may emerge in the upcoming year.
It is crucial that if we reach a stage where negotiations commence, and ultimately a ceasefire is achieved, this process be approached with…
on the finest achievable conditions and aligned with something that is both fair and sustainable. And part of that will involve the necessity of ensuring that there are sufficient security guarantees of some sort for Ukraine to avert further Russian hostility, because what we understand is this: If there is going to be, at some stage, a cessation of hostilities, it won’t be, in Putin’s perception, the end of the game. His imperial desires persist, and what he will aim to do is to rest, to regroup, and ultimately launch another attack.
Moreover, the pivotal distinction that must be set is ensuring that there’s an adequate deterrent established so that he refrains from such actions, that he deliberates twice, thrice before initiating any renewed aggression. Meanwhile, our objective is to ensure that the Ukrainians are as empowered as feasible and that they possess a robust position to negotiate.
Lastly, concerning the Middle East and specifically the ceasefire discussions, as you are aware and as we’ve conversed about numerous times, we have been diligently working to finalize this agreement, to actualize the initiative that President Biden proposed back in May – which garnered global backing – with country after country endorsing the proposal that President Biden set forth – the UN Security Council voting 14 to 0 in support of it – we are tirelessly striving to bring that to fruition.
What we have observed in the recent weeks is a renewed engagement, including from Hamas, yet we have yet to witness consensus on the remaining points. Therefore, what I can assure you is this: We are extremely eager to finalize this within the next two weeks, the period we have left, and we will exert every moment of every day during those two weeks to endeavor to achieve that. If we don’t manage to finalize it within the next two weeks, I am confident that it will eventually reach conclusion, ideally sooner rather than later. And when it does, it will be based on the initiative that President Biden proposed, which is supported by almost the entire globe.
We require Hamas to make the concluding essential decisions to finalize the agreement and fundamentally alter the situation for the hostages – securing their release – for individuals in Gaza – providing them relief – and for the region at large – fostering an opportunity to genuinely progress toward something improved, more secure for everyone involved.
MODERATOR: (Via interpreter) Thank you. This wraps up the joint press conference for the ROK-U.S. foreign ministers’ gathering. Thank you.
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