Antony Blinken Sits Down with Christiane Amanpour: A Revealing Conversation for CNN and PBS

Presented below is a transcript from an interview segment that aired on January 15, 2025. An unedited transcript of the broadcasted interview will be made available in full once it is aired.

SECRETARY BLINKEN:  First, hostilities must cease.  Both Hamas and Israel need to halt their fire.  Israel withdraws its troops.  Hostages should start being released.  Detainees exit Israeli prisons and return home.  We must also amplify humanitarian assistance to those in dire need.  All of this must occur over a six-week timeframe.  Additionally, throughout these six weeks, we must finalize the agreements necessary to reach a lasting ceasefire that allows for the complete withdrawal of Israeli forces from Gaza, ensures Hamas does not return, and establishes the requisite governance, security, and reconstruction plans to enable Gaza to progress.

QUESTION:  Is that resolved?

SECRETARY BLINKEN:  It isn’t resolved yet.  For the past six or seven months, we have been diligently working on this – intensely yet discreetly with Arab partners and others.  I believe we have established some fundamental agreements, but the ceasefire itself should ideally sharpen focus and lead all parties to come to a consensus on what’s essential for implementing the post-conflict strategy.

QUESTION:  As we talk, your potential successor, Senator Marco Rubio, is undergoing confirmation hearings.  Do you believe the Trump administration will carry on your initiatives or might they disregard your efforts?

SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Certainly, it will ultimately be their choice, but it’s also a matter for the involved parties and others affected.  I sense a robust motivation among all parties not only to attain the ceasefire, which we hope to achieve in the near hours or days, but to ensure its permanence.  Israel lacks the incentive to be mired in Gaza with an insurgency draining its resources and impairing its economy.  The Palestinian populace does not benefit from an ongoing crisis in Gaza.  Regional nations are against it as well.

Thus, assuming we reach a ceasefire, I expect significant and sustained pressure from all parties to ensure it lasts indefinitely.  The most effective way to guarantee that, in my opinion, is through the frameworks we’ve established, but it will be the administration’s choice to determine if they wish to continue this approach or explore other avenues.  However, the priority remains achieving the ceasefire and solidifying its permanence.

QUESTION:  I’m not sure if you concur, but numerous analysts suggest that Trump’s involvement has invigorated this situation and prompted serious deliberations on the ceasefire.  As you mentioned, the President’s plans date back to May.  There are voices, including a well-known Israeli hostage negotiator, claiming that this interim arrangement is insufficient, covering merely 30 hostages while many others have perished since May, indicating that this could have been accomplished sooner.  I am aware you often point fingers at Hamas for its part in the delays.

Have you seen the remarks made by Itamar Ben-Gvir to The Times of Israel in the past few days?  He indicated that he and Smotrich have effectively obstructed any ceasefire agreements for the past year, and they still aim to hinder this one.  What is your response to that?  Are you prepared to acknowledge that Israel may have delayed what could have been a Biden-negotiated ceasefire, potentially saving many lives months ago?

SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Should this have transpired months ago?  Yes.  Could it have?  Absolutely.  Were there moments when actions from either side complicated the resolution?  Yes, including actions from Israel.  However, by and large, Hamas has been the primary obstacle; it notably refused to engage in recent months.  We managed to facilitate their re-engagement and, particularly in recent weeks, Hamas has been the party that has hesitated to agree, yet we have successfully pushed them to a juncture where, as I previously said, we stand on the brink.

To summarize, the fundamental dynamic has been this:  Firstly, it was crucial to ensure that there was an accord to proceed in two stages.  We needed these six weeks for a cessation of hostilities, the withdrawal of Israeli forces, the release of hostages, the return of prisoners, the provision of humanitarian aid, and the establishment of final terms for a lasting ceasefire.  For months, Hamas resisted this structure.  The President took the lead, publicly advocating in May – late May and early June – a detailed plan for this.  Subsequently, we garnered global support for this proposal, including backing from the UN Security Council.  Consequently, Hamas found itself isolated and eventually endorsed that framework.  Since then, we’ve been pursuing its implementation and working towards final arrangements.

Nonetheless, there have been two key factors that I believe have impeded progress.  One, Hamas was relying on the hope that external forces would intervene, potentially triggering a broader confrontation involving Lebanon, Hezbollah, and Iran.  Our collaborative measures with Israel clarified that no such rescue was forthcoming, and they could not depend on it.

Secondly, Hamas believed that by delaying, they could intensify pressure on Israel to concede to a ceasefire/hostage agreement on their terms.  This too has not transpired.

Reflecting on the situation, have there been particular instances of actions on either side complicating matters?  Yes, but fundamentally, Hamas has been the primary hindrance; we are now at a point where, we hopefully hope, Hamas recognizes that the only viable path forward is through the ceasefire.

QUESTION:  In conclusion concerning this matter, figures like Ben Gvir represent extreme views, having previously faced sanctions from the U.S.  They advocate for settlements and express a desire to remain in Gaza.  The infrastructure being developed by the IDF in Gaza suggests potential long-term occupancy in certain areas.  Can you confirm, is the U.S. government confident that Israel will withdraw, or could they maintain a presence there for, I’m uncertain, months or years to come?

SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Here’s what I can assure you, Christiane:  First, our policy has been consistently clear, including the principles I outlined months ago at the onset of the conflict in Tokyo, indicating that there cannot be a prolonged occupation of Gaza; Israel must withdraw, and the territory of Gaza must remain unchanged.  Furthermore, it is essential that Hamas does not govern there, as it exploits the area for terrorist activities.

The ceasefire agreement mandates that Israeli forces withdraw initially and subsequently, contingent on achieving a permanent ceasefire, they must fully vacate.  This underscores the importance of the post-conflict strategy, establishing agreements on its arrangements, as there must be mechanisms to instill confidence among Israelis that they can withdraw permanently and prevent Hamas from reestablishing itself or allowing a resurgence of the previous decade.