The Unexpected Alliance: How One U.S. President Transformed Relations with China

On a clear January morning in 1979, then US president Jimmy Carter welcomed a momentous visitor in Washington: Deng Xiaoping, the individual who opened China’s economy.

The inaugural leader of Communist China to step foot in the United States, Deng had arrived the night before, greeted by light snow and a reception by the US vice-president, the secretary of state, and their partners.

This marked the inception of a diplomatic partnership that would significantly alter the globe, paving the way for China’s economic rise – and subsequently, its competition with the US.

Forging official relations with China stands among Carter’s notable achievements amid a tumultuous presidency that concluded with a single term.

Born on October 1, the same date as the establishment of the People’s Republic of China, “he often claimed it was fate that united him and China,” remarked Yawei Liu, a close companion of Carter.

Even after his presidency, he diligently nurtured a close relationship with the Chinese populace – although that was impacted as the relations between Washington and Beijing dulled.

Nonetheless, he remains one of a limited number of American statesmen revered by Beijing for aiding in pulling Communist China out of isolation during the 1970s.

Beijing has conveyed its sympathies, labeling Carter the “catalyst” behind the 1979 accord. However, the Chinese online community has taken it a step further, referring to him as “Meirenzong” or the “kind-hearted American,” a designation that was once exclusively held for emperors.

Carter’s initial meeting with China occurred in 1949, at a time when the country was experiencing the final erratic moments of a devastating civil war lasting decades.

As a junior US naval officer, his submarine squad was assigned to Qingdao in eastern China. Their mission was to assist Kuomintang forces resisting a Communist encirclement led by Mao Zedong’s troops.

Just kilometers away, behind enemy lines, was a Chinese official by the name of Deng Xiaoping.

When they ultimately reunited decades later, it was as leaders of their respective nations.

It was a prior US President, Richard Nixon, along with his secretary of state Henry Kissinger, who had established the groundwork to charm what was then Mao’s China. Confronted with tensions between Beijing and Moscow, they recognized a chance to entice a Soviet ally away.

However, it was under Carter – and Deng – that these endeavors reached a climax, fostering the pursuit of closer connections. For several months, the US president sent trusted representatives for confidential discussions with Beijing.

The significant advancement occurred in late 1978. In mid-December, both nations declared that they would “acknowledge each other and forge diplomatic ties starting January 1, 1979”.

The global community was taken aback, and Beijing was overjoyed, yet the island of Taiwan, which had depended on US backing against China’s claims, felt devastated. Carter remains a divisive figure there.

Up until then, the US had solely recognized the administration of Taiwan, which China regarded as a rebellious province. For many years, US support for Taiwan had posed a challenge in discussions.

Switching recognition to Beijing indicated that the US had finally endorsed China’s stance that there existed only one Chinese government – and that was in Beijing. This principle is the One China policy, which continues to be the foundation of US-China interactions.

However, this shift inevitably raised inquiries regarding UScommitment to its partners. Unsettled by Carter’s choice, Congress ultimately compelled the passage of legislation affirming its authority to supply Taiwan with protective armaments, thereby establishing a persistent paradox in US foreign policy.

Nonetheless, historians concur that 1979 marked an extraordinary series of actions that reshaped global power dynamics: it not only allied the US and China against the Soviet Union, but also laid the groundwork for tranquility and swift economic advancement in East Asia.

However, Carter’s success was largely due to his special rapport with Deng Xiaoping. “It’s a joy to negotiate with him,” Carter recorded in his journal after spending a day with Deng during his January visit, as noted by Deng’s biographer Ezra Vogel.

“They adhered to practical wisdom, and there were actually considerable parallels in their straightforward temperaments,” commented Dali Yang, a political science professor at the University of Chicago. “There was something genuinely extraordinary between the two men that effectively fostered trust.”

Deng Xiaoping had withstood three political purges under Mao to emerge as one of China’s most influential leaders. Historians attribute this pivotal diplomatic triumph to his foresight, self-confidence, honesty, and keen sense of humor.

He recognized the opportunity that Carter presented, Vogel writes – to simultaneously hinder Soviet influence and to revive the modernization that had commenced in Japan, Taiwan, and even South Korea. He understood that without US assistance, this would slip past China.

Deng’s trip to the US commenced with a cordial initial encounter at the White House, where he laughed while discussing his Qingdao ties with Carter, according to Chinese accounts. His enthusiasm was palpable as the two joined hands before cameras in the Rose Garden, exclaiming: “Now our two nations’ peoples are shaking hands.”

In the ensuing days, Deng executed a whirlwind charm offensive across several states alongside Carter. In one notable picture, Deng is seen beaming as he wears a cowboy hat at a Texan rodeo. “Deng sidesteps politics, embraces Texas,” proclaimed a local newspaper headline.

Carter characterized Deng as “clever, resilient, astute, direct, brave, approachable, self-assured, amiable,” according to Vogel.

He later reflected in his journal that the trip was “one of the joyful experiences of my Presidency… everything seemed to unfold perfectly, and the Chinese leader appeared equally delighted.”

“Carter played a pivotal role in what transcended mere diplomatic reconciliation – it was a significant moment of signaling,” expressed Orville Schell, director of the Asia Society’s Center on US-China Relations who, as a journalist in 1979, reported on Deng’s journey.

“He introduced Deng to the nation and indeed the world. It transformed what had been a contentious relationship into something very amiable. The manner in which Carter and Deng engaged sent clear signals that it was acceptable for both populations to put aside history and initiate a new bond.”

Under Carter’s leadership, China received “most favored nation” trade status, which propelled its economy and generated employment. Within a year, trade between the two nations doubled.

Over the subsequent decade, China evolved into a vital trading partner not just for the US but also the global community, which was “immensely significant” for China’s development, highlighted Prof Yang.

Carter’s association with China persisted long after his presidency concluded.

During the 1990s, his non-profit organization The Carter Center played a prominent role in China’s emerging grassroots democracy, observing village elections, training officials, and informing voters at the behest of the Chinese government.

Uncharacteristically for a former US president, Carter made several return visits to China for personal reasons. On one occasion, he and his wife Rosalynn contributed to constructing shelters for those affected by the 2008 Sichuan earthquake.

His dedication to humanitarian efforts, his modest upbringing as the child of a peanut farmer, and his “down-to-earth style” – contrasting sharply with the formal public personas of Chinese officials – endeared him to numerous Chinese citizens, according to Prof Yang: “He will be remembered as a model leader who genuinely cares, not only through words but also through actions.”

“Everywhere he ventured in China, people displayed their fondness for him… The Chinese populace genuinely admired him for his bravery and integrity,” noted Dr Liu, a senior advisor with the Carter Center who accompanied Carter on several trips, including a 2014 visit where he was celebrated by local officials and universities.

In Qingdao, the city orchestrated an unexpected fireworks display for his 90th birthday. In Beijing, Deng’s daughter held a banquet and presented a gift – a copy of the People’s Daily front page of the 1979 communique. “Both were deeply moved,” Dr Liu recalled.

That visit marked the end of his engagements. As the ties between the US and China became more strained, Carter’s relationship with Chinese leadership also deteriorated, particularly following Xi Jinping’s ascension.

In anticipation of his visit in 2014, senior officials advised universities against sponsoring his functions, which led to a hurried rearrangement of locations, Carter remarked.

A state banquet held for him at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing had minimal attendees, as recalled by Mr. Schell. It was particularly noteworthy that the event was presided over by then-vice-president Li Yuanchao, with Xi purportedly entertaining another visitor elsewhere in the complex.

“He wouldn’t even come to acknowledge Carter. That starkly illustrated the state of relations,” Mr. Schell stated. “Carter was extraordinarily upset. Two of his staff informed me he even contemplated leaving early due to feeling disrespected.”

The Carter Center’s initiatives in China were ultimately curtailed, and a website they operated to document village elections was deactivated. Although no explicit reason was provided at the time, Dr. Liu linked this to China’s increasing skepticism of foreign entities after the 2010 Arab Spring.

While Carter remained relatively quiet about the slight in public, the impact was unmistakable, considering his extensive efforts to promote engagement.

This situation has also raised doubts regarding whether his stance on human rights in China—characterized by him as “patience,” but criticized by others as being too lenient—was ultimately valid.

Carter consistently “made a significant effort… not to rub China’s nose in the human rights issue,” Mr. Schell observed. “He restrained himself even while outside of office, recognizing that The Carter Center had a real interest in the nation.”

Some regard his choice to engage with Communist China as stemming from a genuine American intention at the time. After the tumultuous aftermath of the Cultural Revolution, there was “a disbelief among numerous Americans – how could the Chinese exist in irate isolation?” Professor Yang remarked. “There was an authentic aspiration among American leaders to truly assist.”

Others argue that in making attempts to reinforce support against the Soviets, the US paved the path for China’s ascent, thus establishing one of its prominent adversaries.

Nonetheless, these efforts also benefitted millions of Chinese individuals, aiding in their escape from poverty and temporarily expanding political freedoms at the local tier.

“I believe all of us from that age were children of engagement,” Mr. Schell expressed. “We were optimistic that Carter would discover the formula that would gradually integrate China into a positive relationship with [the] US and the broader world.”

As his life progressed, Carter became increasingly concerned about the escalating mistrust between the US and China, frequently alerting about a potential “modern Cold War.”

“In 1979, Deng Xiaoping and I were aware we were promoting the intention of peace. While today’s leaders encounter a distinct world, the quest for peace remains equally vital,” he articulated on the 40th anniversary of the normalization of relations.

“[Leaders] must adopt our belief that the United States and China need to collaboratively shape their destinies, both for their own sake and for humanity as a whole.”